Why the Djanai Hall Massacre was a false flag operation

The Djanae Hall massacre was a hoax.

The murder of dozens of protesters in Istanbul in 1984 was the work of an extremist group called the Golden Dawn, and the attack on parliament was a conspiracy by the Turkish state to undermine the popular uprising of 1989.

Now that the truth about the massacre is finally out, a new, independent investigation of the event is underway.

Djanas and hall were the twin towers of the 1989 revolution, and a year after the attack, the Turkish government declared the attack a false-flag operation, blaming it on the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK).

The government later admitted that the murder was an inside job, and has since tightened the noose around its memory by arresting the surviving leaders of the attack.

But it has also launched a massive crackdown on the country’s left, arresting tens of thousands of people and cracking down on journalists and political activists.

A new investigation is looking at how the attack was staged, how the government was able to silence critics, and how it managed to conceal evidence of the plot for years.

One of the key players, a retired diplomat and former police officer named Mevlut Mert Altın, is working to reconstruct the events of 1984.

He says that, during the protests, the government staged the attack as part of a massive purge of leftists.

They wanted to stamp out any opposition to the government and the AK Party, he said.

He believes that the attack started because of the protests in November of that year, which were led by the Kurdish Solidarity Party (KSP), an offshoot of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ party (PJAK), which had been active since the 1960s.

Altıner is one of many people working to uncover the truth, and to establish who was behind the attack and who was the real culprit.

He and other researchers have been combing through hundreds of government documents and interviews, looking for clues about the events and who orchestrated them.

Some of the documents they have examined are already available online, and Altınen and his team are also compiling a digital archive of footage and photos taken during the crackdown.

“We’re going to look at how they were able to cover up and deny the massacre,” Altıntan said.

But he’s not stopping there.

They’re also looking at whether there was some kind of cover-up and how they got away with it.

“They are still trying to cover-it up,” he said, referring to the Turkish public.

In addition to the mass arrests and jailing of activists, there were also harsh crackdowns on journalists, human rights defenders, and other groups who have criticized the government.

Altüntan believes that it wasn’t just the KSP that was behind that repression.

“There were also the right-wing parties,” he told me.

“You had the AKP, you had the right wing, the KDP, the CHP, the nationalist parties, the Islamic parties, and they all supported the government.”

Altınn also points to a number of other individuals in the government who were involved in the attack: the head of the secret police, the head or chief of the police, senior officers in the armed forces, and police chief Gen. Sertik Yavuz.

“It’s the same kind of situation that we saw in the 1990s,” Altünn said.

“The people in the top levels of government are all connected.”

Altündan believes the government knew of the plans to stage the attack months in advance, and that it orchestrated it to discredit the opposition.

But, he told CNN, “They were afraid that if they did it they’d be accused of having been involved.”

In addition, Altından said that it was a government-sponsored operation that went well beyond the government’s usual use of intimidation.

“What they didn’t expect is that the opposition would be so organized and that they would organize themselves in the streets and the squares,” he explained.

“And they were successful in doing that.”

And what happened in the square after the assassination of the prime minister is one that’s being used against the Turkish political class and the left in general.

After a night of celebrating, protesters were told that the prime ministers funeral would be taking place at the Kızılay neighborhood of Istanbul, which was then home to the popular KDP.

In the hours leading up to the funeral, thousands of protesters marched from Kızlıçe to the square.

In some places, the crowds were so large that police resorted to using rubber bullets and tear gas to disperse the crowds.

But the police did not stop there.

The prime minister’s body was later removed from the square, and hundreds of people were arrested and beaten.

Altifini said that the police beat protesters, including those who tried to resist arrest.

The attacks on the protesters and their allies were coordinated by the government, according to